|
Ethiopia
- Human Rights Overview in 2004
(by Human
Rights Watch, January
2005)
The
Ethiopian government continues to deny many of its citizens’ basic human
rights. Police and security forces have harassed, illegally detained, tortured,
and in some cases, killed members of the political opposition, demonstrators and
suspected insurgents. The government has also continued its efforts to muzzle
the private press through the use of criminal sanctions and other forms of
intimidation.
Ethiopia
is affected by chronic food security problems, but the government’s attempts
to address the issue through a massive resettlement program appear to be
courting humanitarian disaster in some areas.
Police Brutality, Torture, and Illegal Detention
Police forces often use excessive force to quell peaceful demonstrations, with
demonstrators subject to mass arrest and mistreatment. In January 2004, between
330 and 350 Addis Ababa University students peacefully protesting the arrest of
eight other students two days earlier were themselves arrested by Federal
Police. While in detention, the students were forced to run and crawl barefoot
over sharp gravel for several hours at a time. Police have repeatedly employed
similar methods of torture and yet are rarely held accountable for their
excesses. Police also responded with force in the early months of 2004 to
student demonstrations in secondary schools throughout Oromia. The Ethiopian
Human Rights Council (EHRCO) reported that dozens of students were detained,
some of whom reported being mistreated while in custody. One student was
reportedly shot and killed by police during a student demonstration in Tikur
Inchini.
In
August 2004, several dozen individuals were arrested in and around the town of
Agaro in Oromia and imprisoned for allegedly supporting the outlawed Oromo
Liberation Front (OLF). Some prisoners reported mistreatment while in custody
and police reportedly threatened family members wishing to visit detained
relatives. As of October 2004, the prisoners remained in detention even though
none had been charged with any crime.
In
July 2004, the Ethiopian government revoked the license of the venerable Oromo
self-help association Mecha Tulema for allegedly carrying out “political
activities” in violation of its charter. The police subsequently arrested four
of the organization’s leaders on charges of “terrorism” and providing
support to the OLF. The four were released on bail in August but were
arbitrarily arrested a week later.
Repression of Opposition Political Parties
Ethiopia will hold national legislative elections in May 2005, and the
continuing intolerance of dissent on the part of many officials raises serious
concerns as to whether opposition candidates will be able to contest that poll
in an environment free of fear. The last national elections in 2000, and local
elections held in most of the country in 2001, were marred by serious
irregularities including violence directed against opposition supporters and
candidates in the most closely contested constituencies. Much of that abuse was
orchestrated by provincial officials belonging to parties allied with the ruling
coalition. EHRCO observers monitoring local elections held in Somali state in
January 2004 reported widespread instances of intimidation, harassment, and
arrest of opposition candidates.
Abuses Committed by the Ethiopian Armed Forces
The Ethiopian military has committed human rights abuses against civilians. In
Gambella state, armed attacks directed against the Anuak community claimed up to
424 lives in the last weeks of 2003 and beginning of 2004, with at least some
soldiers and policemen participating in the violence. The immediate trigger for
the violence was a series of attacks by Anuak insurgents against civilians of
other ethnic groups in the area. A government-appointed Commission of Inquiry
largely absolved the military of any blame, but serious doubts have been raised
about the thoroughness of that commission’s work and the credibility of its
findings. Many eyewitnesses allege that military involvement in the violence was
widespread and apparently well-coordinated, and reports continue to emerge of
attacks carried out by the military against Anuak in the countryside. The
violence has left some 50,000 people displaced within Gambella state and led
several thousand Anuaks to flee to refugee camps near Pochalla, Sudan.
Occasional
skirmishes between security forces and armed insurrectionary bands continue in
other parts of the country. Security forces frequently arrest civilians,
claiming they are members of the OLF in Oromia state or the Ogaden National
Liberation Front (ONLF) and Al-Itihad Al-Islamiya in Somali state. Few of those
arrested are brought to trial. Some are released; others are kept in arbitrary
detention for prolonged periods, often without a hearing or cause shown,
sometimes incommunicado. Frequent reports of extrajudicial executions and
torture emerge from Somali region, but access to the region has been restricted
by the military to such a degree that these reports are impossible to confirm.
Restrictions on the Press
Ethiopia’s last imprisoned journalist, Tewodros Kassa, was freed from prison
in September 2004 after serving a two-year sentence for allegedly defaming a
dead businessman and inciting “political violence.” However, many
independent journalists, editors, and publishers continue to endure harassment
and intimidation, and criminal penalties for a range of speech-related offenses
remain on the books.
Serious
concerns remain over the government’s efforts to introduce a controversial new
press law. The government has agreed to reconsider some of the more worrying
provisions of the law, such as criminal sanctions for offenses by journalists
and the creation of a state-run press council, but it remains to be seen whether
any substantive changes will be made. Ethiopia’s only independent
journalists’ organization, the Ethiopia Free Press Journalists Association (EFJA),
was shut down shortly after publicly opposing the draft law in late 2003,
ostensibly for failure to submit required annual audits. The EFJA’s leadership
was then purged and replaced at a meeting organized by government officials.
Many of the EFJA’s members continue to contest the legitimacy of the
government’s actions.
Food Security
Ethiopia has a chronic food insecurity problem, and in recent years failed rains
have left millions of people in need of food aid. In an effort to find a
long-term solution to these problems, the Ethiopian government has launched a
U.S. $3.2 billion plan aimed at ending the country’s dependence on foreign aid
over the next several years. A key component of that program is the planned
resettlement of 2.2 million people from drought-prone areas to relatively
fertile and underpopulated land. However, appalling logistical failures have
left many of the 350,000 who have already moved without access to clean water,
health care, shelter, education, or even food. Many resettled populations suffer
from unacceptably high levels of morbidity, malnutrition, and child mortality.
These problems may worsen as the pace of resettlement accelerates in the next
2-3 years. Many settlers have been induced to migrate to the new sites by false
promises of schools, clinics, wells, food aid, and new houses.
Judicial Delay
Thirteen years after the overthrow of the former military government (the Derg),
several thousand of its former officials remain jailed without trial, charged
with genocide, crimes against humanity, and major felonies. Of those who have
been tried, many have been acquitted, some after more than a decade of
imprisonment. The loss of evidence over the years has resulted in some
acquittals, but such losses may also make presenting an effective defense more
difficult. Former dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam, on trial in absentia, remains
a guest of the Mugabe government in Zimbabwe, with little chance of being held
accountable for his abuses so long as he remains there.
Tensions with Eritrea
While the governments of both Ethiopia and Eritrea insist that they are
committed to a peaceful resolution of their ongoing border dispute, the
situation remains at an impasse. In August 2004, the Boundary Commission charged
with demarcating the border reported that it was impossible for it to make any
progress under the present circumstances. That commission’s 2002 decision was
rejected by Ethiopia in 2003 when it became clear that the contested village of
Badme, where the war started, would fall on the Eritrean side. Eritrea has
refused to negotiate, insisting that Ethiopia is bound by the commission’s
decision, while Ethiopia refused to consider any solution that requires it to
surrender control of Badme. In December 2004, Prime Minister Meles Zenawi
softened his previous position by announcing acceptance of the Commission’s
decision “in principle” and calling for a “dialogue” over its
implementation.
Human Rights Commissioner and Ombudsman
After years of delay, the Ethiopian government appointed Dr. Kasa Gebre Hiwot
and Abay Tekle Beyene to fill the constitutionally-mandated posts of head of the
Human Rights Commission and Ombudsman, respectively. Many opposition MPs opposed
both appointments, complaining that they were forced through without meaningful
debate or consultation. It remains to be seen whether the government will
provide these institutions with the capacity to do their work effectively and
respect their independence.
Key International Actors
Ethiopia is considered an essential partner of the U.S. in its “war on
terrorism” and Washington has generally been unwilling to apply meaningful
pressure on the Ethiopian government over its human rights record. The U.S.
suspects Islamic extremist groups are hiding in bordering areas of Somalia, and
sometimes inside Ethiopia itself. In 2003, the U.S. military, operating out of
its base in Djibouti, trained an Ethiopian army division in counter-terrorism.
The United States is also the largest donor of bilateral aid in Ethiopia.
The
United Nations Mission in Ethiopia and Eritrea (UNMEE) maintains just under
4,000 troops along the twenty-five kilometer-wide armistice buffer line between
the two countries. In September 2004 the Security Council voted to extend
UNMEE’s mandate through March 2005.
Back
to the Archive @ Gadaa.com
|
